A model of compulsive buying: Dysfunctional beliefs and self-regulation of compulsive buyers

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Sang-Hee Sohn

Yun-Jung Choi

Cite this article:  Sohn, S.-H., & Choi, Y.-J. (2012). A model of compulsive buying: Dysfunctional beliefs and self-regulation of compulsive buyers. Social Behavior and Personality: An international journal, 40(10), 1611-1624.


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In this study, we applied a qualitative approach in order to examine the beliefs of compulsive buyers and decipher the processes of compulsive buying. Participants were recruited via online postings, were classified as compulsive buyers using a screening questionnaire, and were asked to complete individual in-depth interviews. Content analysis was performed in order to identify participants’ concepts and subconcepts regarding compulsive buying. To develop a model of compulsive buying we identified 21 subconcepts, which were synthesized into 6 concepts: deprivation, stimulation, response, compulsive spending, dysfunctional beliefs, and self-regulation. The results indicate that belief systems and self-regulation processes affect compulsive buying behaviors.

For most consumers shopping is a part of everyday life that pleases them and satisfies their needs. Compulsive buyers, however, are controlled by an inability to control the impulse to buy that can devastate both their own lives and the lives of their families and friends (Bridgforth, 2004). Rook and Hoch (1985) defined impulsive buying as the desire to buy abruptly, including loss of reasoning and emotional condition. It is almost like an unconditioned reflex under a specific stimulation, which lacks cognitive evaluation. Thus, impulsive buyers are preoccupied with spending, try to purchase as quickly as they can, and repeatedly overconsume in order to combat a persistent sense of emptiness regardless of the consequences of their compulsive buying (Bridgforth, 2004; Lee & Hong, 2009). People whose behavior is dysfunctional interpret their experiences in an inappropriate way (Frost & Hartl, 1996). Faber and O’Guinn (1992) found that buyers who asked for help with purchase habits that resulted in personal, societal, and financial difficulties, displayed an irresistible urge to repeatedly purchase unnecessary and unaffordable items. Like other types of compulsive consumption behaviors, compulsive buying is a behavior developed in order to alleviate the stress, anxiety, and discomfort that arises from a demanding thought or obsession (Claes, Bijttebier, Mitchell, de Zwaan, & Mueller, 2011). At first, compulsive buying provides positive compensation, such as stress relief or release from an emotional pain. However, even though the buyer is aware of the negative consequences, control over buying is eroded when the action is repeated, which produces additional anxiety and disappointment. Compulsive buying has been defined as chronic, repetitive purchasing that becomes a primary response to negative events or feelings (O’Guinn & Faber, 1989, p. 155).

Several researchers (Scherhorn, 1990; Song, 1993; Valence, d’Astous, & Fortier, 1988) have clarified the symptoms of compulsive buying: purchasing an excess of unnecessary items and often being unable to recollect exactly what was purchased. Compulsive buying can result in pathological physical responses that include anxiety, headache, depression, and indigestion. Buying in order to alleviate stress, depression, or displeasure turns into an obsession with buying anything and everything. As drug addicts calm themselves with drugs when they are emotionally and physically stimulated, compulsive buyers habitually purchase items as a means of achieving a desirable mental state. Paradoxically, compulsive buying fosters feelings of regret and guilt (Claes et al., 2010). Compulsive buying can be considered a dysfunctional consumption behavior because the aforementioned pressures, together with increasing economic hardship, can be personally and professionally devastating, even though compulsive buyers feel rewarded and consoled when they first buy items. Compulsive buying differs from overspending or impulse purchasing in that it is unstoppable, repetitive, and destructive.

Koran, Faber, Aboujaoude, Large, and Serpe (2006) surveyed a large random sample of American adults and reported that approximately 5.8% engaged in compulsive buying. Even with the use of strict criteria, approximately 1.4% of US individuals engaged in compulsive buying. This rate is high as compared to incidence of illnesses such as depression and anxiety disorder, suggesting that a significant number of people engage in compulsive buying (Hollander & Allen, 2006; Koran et al., 2006). In studies conducted in Korea, approximately 4.1-15.5% of individuals were found to be engaging in compulsive buying (Lee & Park, 2007; Song, 1993).

Many psychologists have sought to understand the psychosocial elements that lead to compulsive buying, which has led to the recognition of compulsive buying as an immediate response to a destructive life incident, inner deficiency, or negative emotion. More specifically, compulsive buying is used to compensate for the stress, anxiety, and depression caused by autonomy distortion, self-discrepancy, and lack of self-esteem (Dittmar, Long, & Bond, 2007; Mueller et al., 2010; Scherhorn, 1990; Valence et al., 1988). Other crucial factors that accelerate compulsive buying are materialism (which is a core component of consumption-oriented societies) and the ease of acquiring credit (Dittmar et al., 2007; Otero-López, Pol, Bolaño, & Mariño, 2011). Materialism refers to the view that happiness comes from the possession of material goods. The materialistic individual pursues happiness through consumption or possession of materials, which induces overconsumption and thereby addictive buying. Recently, researchers have found that certain types of personality and temperament (e.g., reactive and regulative temperaments) are related to compulsive buying (Claes et al., 2010, 2011; Mueller et al., 2010).

Psychiatrists (e.g., Claes et al., 2010, 2011) who have conducted studies of compulsive buying have indicated that it is possible that compulsive buying may have a genetic underpinning, in that the production of certain genetically inherited chemicals in the brain may be in some way responsible for compulsive buying behavior. Furthermore, compulsive buyers often have other psychiatric problems, such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders (Claes et al., 2011; Mitchell, Burgard, Faber, Crosby, & de Zwaan, 2006; Mueller et al., 2010). Little is known about the treatment of compulsive buying, but Frost and Hartl (1996) have pointed out that cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) may be an effective method for treatment. In a pilot study, Mitchell et al. reported that CBT intervention improved compulsive buyers’ behaviors.

CBT is based on the assumption that people’s behavior is thought-based and recognition that people with distorted or dysfunctional thinking may exhibit destructive emotions and behaviors. However, once individuals learn to manage their thoughts, they can successfully change their behavior (Madewell & Shaughnessy, 2009). In terms of the cognitive elements involved in the process of compulsive buying, understanding the specific beliefs of compulsive buyers is important if compulsive buyers are to receive effective treatment. However, this approach is hampered by the lack of evidence regarding which cognitive elements are related to compulsive buying behavior.

Frost and Hartl (1996) investigated cognitive elements related to compulsive hoarding and reported numerous personality traits that distinguished hoarders from nonhoarders. Hoarders displayed an obsession with, and a sense of responsibility for, their possessions, believing that all their possessions were potentially useful. Based on the cognitive elements identified by Frost and Hartl (1996) as being related to compulsive hoarding, Kyrios, Frost, and Steketee (2004) developed the Buying Cognitions Inventory (BCI), a 43-item measure of the cognitive domains associated with compulsive buying. The inventory was based on the assumption that compulsive buying and hoarding share similar cognitive features. Kyrios et al. reported significant differences in beliefs related to buying between a group of compulsive buyers and a control group, with some buying beliefs predicting compulsive buying behavior in regression analysis. In their study, compulsive buyers had affective difficulties, compromised self-perceptions, perfectionistic expectations, and erroneous beliefs. Compulsive buyers held dysfunctional beliefs about the nature of objects, potential purchases, purchasing opportunities, and the psychological benefits of buying.

In our study, we focused on the cognitive traits associated with compulsive buying. Specifically, we examined the beliefs behind compulsive buying, the processes of recognizing compulsive buying, and self-control in response to compulsive buying. The study design was based on the fundamental assumption of cognitive theory; namely, that human emotions and behaviors are thought-based. Our findings should contribute to the formulation of a more comprehensive theory of compulsive buying by including the cognitive domains. This should, in turn, aid understanding, effective evaluation, prevention, and treatment of compulsive buying.

Method

Research Design

A qualitative research methodology was employed because accumulated evidence was limited and a theoretical model explaining human behavior in the context of compulsive buying has not yet been devised. This method allowed us to gather the unconfined experiences of compulsive buyers using in-depth interviews, which facilitated the expression of personal thoughts, opinions, and/or appraisals.

Our goal was to develop a qualitative research design to clarify aspects of compulsive shopping that have yet to be recognized. Because many compulsive buyers and their families are hesitant to acknowledge the problem, we did not think a large-scale survey design was appropriate. We thought a qualitative and interpretative research method was a more useful way of gaining the necessary information; namely, extensive interviews of compulsive buyers.

Participants

Participants were recruited via an online posting in which adults who shopped compulsively were sought. The posting was placed on two community websites, one of which was suggested by a television producer contact of the authors. The first website on which the posting was placed is an online community that connects members who want to appear on television shows. The second website was targeted at women who share information about shopping with each other, and provides information about participating in companies’ consumer panels or monitoring of consumer responses to companies’ products or goods. This website has many visitors because it does not have a membership system and because it provides a variety of information about practical life and job searches.

Many people volunteered to participate in this study. Each participant was sent a screening questionnaire to determine whether or not they engaged in compulsive buying behaviors. The questionnaire combined the Clinical Screening for Compulsive Buying Questionnaire developed by Faber and O’Guinn (1992) and Song’s (1993) questionnaire, which was an adaptation of the scale developed by Valence et al. (1998). The Faber and O’Guinn scale has been amply verified as being very accurate in determining compulsive buyers (see e.g., Koran et al., 2006; Kyrios et al., 2004; Mitchell et al., 2006). Song’s scale was used to ensure precision because it has been tested in a Korean environment.

These results, combined with information collected from a telephone interview with each participant, were used to select nine individuals who were judged to be extreme compulsive buyers. The participants, who were all female, agreed to contribute to the research after the research purpose was clearly and precisely explained to them. We have used numbers instead of names in order to ensure confidentiality. Seven participants were married and living with their husband, children, and/or mother-in-law; one was unmarried; and one was divorced. In terms of education, most had attained a bachelor’s degree or above. The participants were mainly in their 30s, with ages ranging from 28 to 40 years.

Procedure

Data were collected through individual in-depth interviews which took an average of two hours to complete. The content of each interview was scrutinized after it took place. Follow-up interviews were conducted with selected interviewees if the participant was expected to supply further data, if the prior interview was considered incomplete, or if a need for further data was identified. The follow-up interviews were conducted in person or by telephone. Most of the interviews were conducted in a university office, but some were conducted in coffee shops located near the participants’ residences. The interview locations were selected based on their atmosphere and whether they were convenient for interviewees.

Although participants were notified about the research by telephone, the purpose and procedure of the study were explained again during the interview. Participants clearly understood that they could withdraw at any time during the research process. Interviews were recorded, with participants’ consent. All the interviews were transcribed and analyzed.

Interviews were semistructured. The participants were asked to freely describe their daily life as consumers, their cognitive and emotional experiences of shopping, their mechanisms for coping with, and responding to, the consequences of their excessive buying, and their thoughts and/or beliefs regarding buying. The interviewer refrained from exhibiting biases and predispositions, and focused on understanding individual experiences and context.

Data Analysis

The interview data were analyzed using a procedure developed by Kim et al., (1999) that provides tools for researchers to identify phenomena and interpret the data from the point of view of the participant. The interview transcripts were read several times in order to identify the concepts illustrated by participants’ significant statements. The concepts were consolidated and restated in an abstract form. Next, recurring themes were identified and categorized into theme clusters. Finally, the phenomena emerging from these themes were checked against the data and were interpreted in a context related to the phenomena. Data analysis was conducted using NVivo2 software.

Results

Six Concepts of Compulsive Buying

The interviews yielded 21 subconcepts, which were synthesized into six abstract concepts: deprivation, stimulation, dysfunctional beliefs, self-regulation, responses, and compulsive spending.

Deprivation. Compulsive buyers often said that they did not have anyone to talk to. They experienced feelings of deprivation (such as emptiness, loneliness, or anger), which were caused by a sense of alienation from their surroundings. They said their family members neglected them and their friends left them alone. They felt isolated and disappointed with their situation as compared to their friends or neighbors, and found solace in shopping. For example:
“My wedding has separated me from my parents, but my husband doesn’t care about me…he just confines me to the house. I feel at a loss about how I can comfort myself in my loneliness”. (Participant 8)
“I always think of my shattered dreams while I continue my marriage and raise my children, which makes me angry all the time. My prolonged depression constantly suppresses me”. (Participant 9)

Stimulation. Environmental stimulants (such as advertisements, sales promotions, and the mass media’s emphasis on luxurious lifestyles) were found to compel the participants to shop. Compulsive buyers were affected by perceptions of pressure to display a higher standard of living in order to achieve a desired status or position. Daily life stresses also triggered compulsive shopping. For example:
“As a VIP member, I continually receive catalogues. While reviewing the catalogues, I realize the price has gone down and that I can receive bonus gifts. I go to the shopping center feeling light at heart, but I buy the goods as well as new cosmetics. Until then, I can’t feel relieved”. (Participant 9)
“I’m afraid that people will talk behind my back and say that my circumstances are getting worse if I don’t adorn myself with expensive items. I have no confidence if I don’t wear brand name products”. (Participant 7)

Dysfunctional beliefs. Compulsive buyers did not hesitate to purchase and were extremely confident about their ability to pay for their purchases. They were not concerned over how shopping would affect them and assumed that all would be well, even in the absence of a plan of action. They appreciated and trusted material items rather than spiritual rewards. They defined their identities by comparing their possessions with others’ possessions. Material acquisition was considered soothing and pacifying; lack of shopping brought sorrow. For example:
“I insist on spending as much as I earn. I feel ashamed of being shabby and ragged. I really dislike calculating how much money I’ve spent rather than just spending it”. (Participant 3)
“I don’t believe in invisible things. I only trust visible things that I can grasp in my hand. I think material objects are more important. I can’t imagine happiness without material goods”. (Participant 9)

Self-regulation. Compulsive buyers tried to use self-regulatory coping mechanisms. They accepted their shopping problems, and attempted to block or confront the problem of excessive buying. They disposed of credit cards and abstained from watching television or using the Internet in order to avoid home and Internet shopping. Some individuals attempted to reestablish interpersonal relationships and channel energy into physical activities such as yoga, climbing, or travel. Others devoted themselves to religious activities and/or became more disciplined about shopping (e.g., detailing purchases in writing or maintaining a daily journal). For example:
“Every day I visualize my miserable life in old age if I fail to suppress my impulse to spend. I try to write my thoughts down or pay attention to my notebook”. (Participant 5)
“I intentionally worked hard in order to learn how to earn money that I had easily spent. Now I think I can control myself. I feel so good when I control my desire to spend money”. (Participant 8)

Responses. Compulsive buyers experienced almost constant anxiety, having thoughts about failing to buy the product because it had sold or thoughts about exceeding their credit card limit. They remained anxious even while abstaining from shopping. They bought goods to fill their emptiness, which remained even after purchasing. They could not find ways to ease their emptiness, which prompted feelings of guilt and depression. They helplessly returned to the thought that the only solution to their misery was shopping. Therefore, they continued to purchase despite the knowledge that they would regret this action. For example:
“Initially, I show my gorgeous dress to people, but each time I feel more regret and afterwards I feel I am naked. I am trying to cover my naked mind with what I have purchased, because I don’t want to reveal my shabby figure. But I know it would not be filled up by the material goods, since it is not an issue of money but an issue of mind”. (Participant 8)
“I feel panic when I stop myself from shopping…and I am still anxious about the amount charged to my credit cards after shopping. I quickly destroy my receipt just after receiving it. I’m afraid that I will need to obtain illicit private loans and that I will never escape the debt”. (Participant 5)

Compulsive spending. Compulsive buyers continually and repeatedly purchased items as a result of uncontrolled impulses that they could not understand or tolerate. They were preoccupied with the ritual of shopping. Without shopping, they could not concentrate on their daily lives, which were stressful. Shopping brought them a sense of release, freedom, and liberty. For example:
“When I resell my purchased products, I don’t regard the regular price paid when I bought the items. I just try to get rid of the items that I have accumulated and are overflowing from my closet. I am even tired of unpacking products that I have ordered”. (Participant 5)
“I have a bad credit rating and I am therefore unable to recover from being a compulsive buyer. My credit cards have been suspended, and all my saving accounts have been cancelled to pay credit card bills. I have tried to avoid a worse rating by using cash advance services, and paying a credit card charge off with another credit debt”. (Participant 2)

Model of Compulsive Buying

The six interrelated concepts of compulsive buying are illustrated in Figure 1. In the model it can be seen that emotional deprivation (e.g., emptiness, loneliness, and low self-esteem) was preconditioned and that environmental stimulants (e.g., the mass media, others’ appraisals, and stresses from daily life) triggered the shopping behavior. This state was affected by the individuals’ emotional responses (e.g., anxiety, guilt, and depression) regarding the compulsive spending (e.g., ritual behavior, impulse buying, preoccupation with shopping, and disregarding the results of spending), belief system (e.g., materialism and inflated sense of self-importance), and self-regulation (e.g., blocking, confrontation, writing a journal, religious activity, physical exercise, and rebuilding relationships).

Table/Figure

Figure 1. Model of compulsive buying.

Emotional deprivation and environmental stimulants were found to be related to each other. Together they generated synergic effects concerning emotional responses, which influenced compulsive spending behaviors. Emotional responses that were related to the individual’s belief system and self-regulation behaviors were crucial to compulsive spending. An individual’s belief system and self-regulation behaviors were connected to emotional deprivation, environmental stimulants, emotional responses, and compulsive spending. An individual’s belief system and self-regulation behaviors were related to each other. This relationship determined the level of compulsive spending and regulated coping behaviors, which had a cumulative impact on compulsive spending.

Discussion

Dysfunctional Beliefs of Compulsive Buyers

Cognitive factors that precede compulsive buying are grounded in the belief that consuming and shopping affects thought and behavior. Materialism, inflated personal expectations with respect to social status, and disregard of the negative consequences of shopping were identified as subconcepts of compulsive buyers’ dysfunctional beliefs.

As a result of group pressure an individual may consciously or unconsciously change his/her values or behaviors in order to conform (Griskevicius, Goldstein, Mortensen, Cialdini, & Kenrick, 2006). Consumer conformity is a result of pressures from others that may not even be recognized by the affected individual, and these pressures are more frequent in collective as compared to individual cultures (Hofstede, 1983). The participants in this study were Koreans, who had been influenced by collective culture. They identified with the social status of reference groups such as wealthy friends or people in the mass media. This inflated self-perception with regard to social status resulted in participants overestimating their purchasing power and triggered overspending, regardless of their financial status. By conforming to upper reference groups, compulsive buyers tried to relieve their feelings of deprivation (such as emptiness or loneliness) and temporarily recover from wounded pride and low self-esteem. Consumer conformity facilitates conspicuous consumption, in which spending on goods and services serves as a means of displaying one’s social status (Mason, 1981). An individual who purchases expensive products regards the cost as a personal quality and desires how they are treated as a person to be based on the value of the acquired items. The luxurious consumer wants to be recognized as having a higher social status than individuals who buy nonluxury items. Consumer conformity and conspicuous consumption are related to brand preference and overconsumption (Park, Na, & Lee, 2010).

A compulsive shopper in a study by Bridgforth (2004) said:
“I’m single with no kids. I can get what I want. I have a $300 limit on shoes and a $500 limit on boots. If the item is unique, cost almost doesn’t matter”. (p. 154)

This individual was working at a mall for $7.85 an hour, and her monthly rent was $422. With a credit card debt of $3,500, the individual was in a precarious financial position. Creditors had threatened to recover the money owed by deducting it from her wages. This individual’s attitude regarding consuming is similar to the attitudes of participants in this study. Although suffering from complex difficulties such as financial, interpersonal, and occupational problems, the participants neglected the advice of their relatives or avoided confronting the consequences of their compulsive buying. They disregarded the results of their spending behaviors and viewed thrifty lifestyles with contempt. These attitudes to, and beliefs about, spending induce impulsive buying.

Risk Factors of Compulsive Buying

Psychological and emotional aspects of compulsive buying involve the individual’s low level of self-esteem as well as depression, anxiety, emptiness, and feelings of despair (Dittmar et al., 2007; Mueller et al., 2010). The participants in this study experienced feelings of chronic emotional deprivation, such as emptiness and loneliness, that stemmed from low self-esteem. They used shopping as a way of overcoming the deprivation. However, the short-term gratification only served to accentuate the negative state in the longer term as they then suffered from increased anxiety, guilt, and depression. These emotional responses were exacerbated because compulsive buying intensified the existing deprivation. Therefore, deprivation, compulsive buying, and emotional responses interact in the model of compulsive buying. O’Guinn and Faber (1989) found that shopping is a mood regulator, a result supporting the view of participants in this study. O’Guinn and Faber explained that compulsive buyers use the shopping experience to compensate for low self-esteem, in that they attempt to buy self-esteem through their purchases. Individuals who progress to develop strong attachments to the activity may pursue shopping relentlessly, despite negative consequences (such as mounting debt) or negative emotions (such as anxiety or tension).

Compulsive buyers experience significantly higher levels of stress from daily life than do members of the general population (Kim & Hyun, 2005). Scherhorn (1990) stated that compulsive buyers tend to appraise stress, frustration, or loss of autonomy more pessimistically than do members of the general population, and they focus on the negative aspects of their stress rather than the positive aspects. Compulsive buyers are considered vulnerable to the environmental stimulants of daily life, which can be difficult to define or manage given their multifactorial complexity. An individual who is influenced more than other people are by friends, family members, and the mass media is apt to be a compulsive buyer (Lee & Hong, 2009). Our results in this study support those of previous researchers (e.g., Park et al., 2010), who found that facilitating factors are related to compulsive buying. The model of compulsive buying in Figure 1 depicts the concept of stimulation such as the mass media, others’ appraisal, and stress from daily life that trigger the spiral of compulsive buying. Participants’ daily life stresses were found to trigger compulsive buying; namely, difficulties raising their children, discordance between family members, and occupational stresses.

Participants in this study responded sensitively or pessimistically to advertisements, others’ appraisals, and daily life stresses.

Alleviating Factors of Compulsive Buying

Participants in this study tried a number of strategies to correct their compulsive buying behavior. They blocked television spending channels, disposed of credit cards, and worked hard to repay their debts. They chronicled their spending in journals, participated in religious activities, vented negative feelings through physical exercise, and made efforts to rebuild relationships with family members and friends.

Such attempts are considered as self-regulations for coping with undesirable behaviors regarding consumption. Self-regulation is a capability that people understand and can use to temper their motivations, emotions, and behaviors (Han, 2004). The concept of self-regulation in consumption is focused on both limiting the impulse to spend/emphasizing thrift and on the capacity to manage one’s own desire to spend with confidence about consumption or decision-making. Self-regulating spending is directly related to the satisfaction that comes from consumption. No spending completely fulfills the consumer’s every desire. Consumption related satisfaction is magnified through processes that people use to manage rewards regarding their consumption, to plan and control their lives, and to determine their quality of life (Nam, 2007).

Important factors related to self-regulation are an individual’s charac- teristics, belief system, and values. Park and Han (1997) reported that faith was strongly related to high school students’ self-regulation behaviors. Park, Lee, Chae, and Yang (2006) stressed that individuals’ faith and values are important factors in relation to self-regulation. In this study, participants’ belief systems included materialism, inflated personal expectations regarding social status, and disregarding the consequences of spending, which are all related to compulsive buying. The participants attempted various strategies to manage their consumption behaviors as means of self-regulation that acted as alleviating factors.

The alleviating factors of compulsive buying derived from this study should prove useful for education programs directed at compulsive buyers.

Conclusion

In this study, we clarified the importance of belief systems, psychological variables, risk factors, and alleviating factors such as self-regulation in compulsive buying through a model of compulsive buying. Understanding the beliefs and values that affect the perceptions, cognitions, and responses of compulsive buyers is crucial if the dysfunctional behaviors of compulsive buying are to be clarified. Acknowledging and enhancing self-regulation as a coping strategy is useful in preventing and treating compulsive buying. Our results in this study suggest important keys to guide development of educational programs and resolving problems that arise from compulsive buying.

A limitation in this study was that the data were collected from nine Korean women, so the results may not be generalizable to males or individuals from other countries or cultures. Future researchers could replicate this study using larger populations of both genders from different countries to validate and support the results of this study.

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Table/Figure

Figure 1. Model of compulsive buying.


This work was supported by the Research Institute of Human Ecology and the Research Settlement Fund for the new faculty of Seoul National University.

Yun-Jung Choi, Red Cross College of Nursing, Chung-Ang University, 84 Heukseok-Dong, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 156-756, Republic of Korea. Email: [email protected]

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