Are The Netherlands the home of the Shau Aborigines living at Sun Moon Lake in Taiwan? That this may be so is not an impulsive assumption by the authors of this article, but results from long-term observation and analysis of historical documents. On April 30, 1661, Zheng Chen-Kung (also named Coxinja) led his army into Tainan, and at that time, the Dutch missionaries who were then living at Shaulon (or Soulang) were forced to flee to Lehyee, the territory of Chou Aborigines. Later they moved to Laichi before settling permanently at Sun Moon Lake (Wang, 1997; Yu, 1967). We believe that this group of people may be the ancestors of the Shau people today. Our inferential interpretations are set out in the following article.

Characteristics of the Dutch People

Before analyzing the characteristics of the Shau Aborigines, it is necessary first to know about the country of Holland (The Netherlands), which is bigger than Taiwan with an area of about 41,000 square kilometers, and which has population of about 15,000,000 people, which is smaller than that of Taiwan. The development history of Holland is a story of struggles with the ocean for land; The Netherlands are filled with canals. Under such living circumstances, the Dutch have cultivated a water-like character and are very practical and clear thinking with a good grasp of detail and a talent for trading, and understanding financial concepts. In order to adapt to their environment, they have had to learn many languages, including English, French, and German. The Dutch became a colonial power in the 17th century, and de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC; Dutch East India Company) was set up in 1602, with a head office in Asia at Djakarta (then known as Batavia), Indonesia in charge of trading. The Western Indonesia Company was founded in 1621. Its head office in the United States was at New York. Dutch occupation of Tainan began in 1624 and lasted until Chen-Kung Zheng expelled them in 1661. The Ching Dynasty army entered Taiwan in 1683 (see Chen, 1996; Lai, 1990; Li, 1999).

Historical Records

First, Campbell (1903) in the book, Formosa Under the Dutch (p. 470), records a Soulang preacher named Hambroek reporting to a senior officer Frederik Coyett (1656-1662) at Zeelandia City, the fortified trading centre established by the Dutch in Formosa (Taiwan), saying: “When the aborigines heard about the army arriving, they gathered immediately at Soulang. All villagers knew that the army would arrive very soon and they were angry. This led me to escape to Mattauw, and then to Dorcko. However, I felt that this was also dangerous and there was a lack of food, so I then fled to Tilaossen.” It is known that Hambroek eventually arrived at Tilaossen, but it is not known if he led a group of Dutch people in the flight to Alishan, the territory of Chou Aborigine. However, it is known for sure that a group of people went to Tilaossen, and that group included the Soulang preacher who brought his wife, children, relatives, and servants. In addition, Yu (1697) recorded that: “One group of Dutch came to Loyeh and were accepted by the Chou Aborigines”. The historian who wrote this account depended on facts, however, this is the only written evidence about this matter. If this record is correct, then the Alishan district today should show evidence of having been a Dutch village; however, searches of the Alishan district have revealed no trace of a Dutch presence. Hence, it is probable that the group moved on to other places. Based on documentary records, we have assumed that this group numbered between 30 and 50 persons.

A third piece of evidence in establishing the history of the Shau is to be found in one section in “Doing Restitution in Aboriginal Lands” a chapter of the Wild Sea Travel Diary (1697) by Yong-He Yu. The following description is given:
“Although Tsualihen (or Soalian) is on a mountain, they contributed. Its land is surrounded by high mountains, and a big lake is situated in the middle. There is a mountain in the lake where aborigines live, and they take canoes everywhere. The village territory is quite remarkable with small and curved paths, and varied valleys to visit, its water is quite deep and dangerous to access with vines and without bridges. Any outsiders who visited were not afraid to enter the territory. The native people are good at knitting carpet and dyeing fabric with various colors, and they can even knit with dog’s hair and tree bark. Their workpieces are so delicate and fine, outsiders were usually unable to purchase them. Native aborigines’ wives are beautiful with white skin, and all are good at household affairs that enrich their homes.”

Chen (1992, 1996, 1997) gives a short description of the characteristics of Shau Aborigines. The important points are:

• Shau Aborigines paid taxes to the Ching Dynasty early in 1697, which was rare compared to other aborigines in Taiwan.
• Shau Aborigines lived on a mountain in a lake and depended on canoes for transportation; the mountain was called Nalu Island (formerly known as Kuang Hua Island, Chu Shan, or Chu Yu) of Sun Moon Lake. The Shau lived around the lower end of this lake before the Japanese built a dam (refer to Figures 1 and 2). At that time, the lake was on 1 dkm (242 centimeters) deep and had an area of about 10 Chia (6.992 hectares). After the dam was built, the water depth increased to 19 dkm and the surface area to about 800 Chia (the water level of the lake rose about 24 meters). The Shau were forced to abandon their village to move to higher ground, and the Shau people then disappeared from the lower end of the lake (refer to Figure 1). This community was formed in a similar way to other cities worldwide built by the Dutch, for example, Naarden of Amsterdam, The Netherlands, Djakarta (i.e., Batavia), Indonesia, and many islands there, including Zeelandia of Tainan (at that time it was only one extruded island), and Nagasaki (Decima) of Japan (refer to Figure 3). All these cities were bounded by the ocean on three or four sides, and for the purpose of defense, access was via one small path or one bridge. The Shau community with its canoe culture was unique among indigenous people in Taiwan, and was remarkably similar to those Dutch established cities.
• Shau women were good at knitting various colored fabrics with excellent designs that were not obtainable elsewhere. These authors believe that this skill, the many colors for garments, and the trading practices of the Shau are different from other aboriginal peoples in Taiwan.
• Shau women had white skin and were beautiful in a way similar to women in Western cultures.
• Shau Aborigines were diligent, industrious, and rich. These authors noted that the Shau community was on a mountain in a lake with inconvenient transportation, and was rich enough to pay taxes to the Ching Dynasty. How could this be without a highly developed material culture?

The Legend of the White Deer

The white deer legend originated from a traditional Shau myth. According to this legend several hundred years ago the ancestors of the Shau were seeking white deer when they discovered Sun Moon Lake and saw it as an Act of God. They then separated into two groups to move there. The first group of more than 30 families and 100 villagers moved from Laichi to the island in Sun Moon Lake and settled there. The second group moved from Laichi approximately one year later, but was unable to find the route to the lake and gave up.

Hung (1993) reports that the Shau recorded details of their culture, and that there were two versions of the white deer legend. In one it is claimed that Shau ancestors moved from Alishan to Sun Moon Lake, in the other it is said that the ancestors went from Tainan to Alishan, and finally to Sun Moon Lake. Regardless of which of these accounts is true, these records are very practical and believable. Other indigenous peoples declared that they came from Saint Mountain (Tapa Mountain, Yu Mountain, etc.), but only the Shau themselves said that they came from the Pingpu tribe of Tainan (Siraya tribe). Because of this, it is possible to justify the belief that the Shau came from Soulang, Mattauw, and so on. We also feel that it must be emphasized that the white deer legend could not have come from ancestors of other tribes in Taiwan, and that the Ataya, Saiderc, and Bunun may have discovered Sun Moon Lake before the Shau. However, even though those groups of people may have discovered it, they did not move to the lake to settle. The small islands around Sun Moon Lake would have formed a perfect fortress for the Dutch who loved water and had an in-depth knowledge of it, and other researchers have named this as the reason that the special community was created (Akveld & Jacobs, 2002; Deng, 2002; Hsieh, 1999; Li, Chen, & Tang, 1956).

Customs

Hung (1993) described the Shau wearing the clothing of the Chou people and accepting the beliefs of the Pingpu tribe. Shau Aborigines moved from Laichi, the territory of Chou Aborigines, to Sun Moon Lake, and then to the territory of the Pingpu tribe of Puli in 1745. Thereafter, marriages with Chou, Ataya, Bunun, Saiderc, Pingpu tribespeople, and Han Chinese were unavoidable. Furthermore, because Shau Aborigines were good at adapting to new environments, they were easily affected by customs that were new and foreign to them which made their special culture. However, even though the Shau Aborigines moved from the territory of the Chou, they did not adopt the culture type of Chou Aborigines, who belonged to the Austronesian language culture and who espoused head-hunting, tooth drilling, and also the Shau did not observe certain taboos that were part of the Chou tradition (Dasiwulawan, 2003; Lai, 1990; Zhou, 2004). This is proven by Shau documents, which lack descriptions of head-hunting measures such as those prior to warfare, and worship ceremonies after warfare. The Dutch preached at Soulang and married Pingpu tribe members, and so we believe that the Shau adopted Pingpu culture.

Physical Appearance

Most Shau Aborigines have features similar to those of Western peoples (see Photograph 1). Until now nobody has been able to explain this because Asian people have difficulty distinguishing among people from the various non-Asian countries (Deng & Hsu, 2000; Hsieh, 1999). However, people from countries of the Western world can easily recognize others not from their own country and identify which country they do come from. Wang (1997) collected many pictures of Shau Aborigines, and recorded that Pao-Chen Shen employed a French technician to repair Zeelandia Castle in May 1874 (the authors of this article think it was Yitsai Chinchen artillery). Two accompanying photographers, partners Berthaud and Charles Emonts took 20 pictures along the road from Sun Moon Lake, from Puli to Jiji; and two pictures in Contributions in Ching Dynasty (Lee, 2002) also seem to be their work. There were many pictures of Shau Aborigines, unlike in other parts of the country where only one or two pictures were taken. At that time, photographic technology was just being developed and taking even one picture was difficult, let alone taking more than 20 pictures (Dasiwulawan, 2003; Hung, 1993; Kuan, 1986). Their curiosity is so evident that it seems as if they had discovered their old and missing neighbors.

Character of Financial Management Skills

Shau Aborigines were good at adapting to new environments and had financial management skills similar to those common among the Dutch. Hung (1993) made particular mention of the trading ability of Shau Aborigines and their single price for commodities (see also Chen, 1992; Kuan, 1986). The Shau Aborigines’ financial management characteristics were totally different from those of other tribes in Taiwan, and were very likely to have been cultivated in a highly developed culture.

Language

The present authors are not linguists and are unable to assess the relationship between the Shau and Dutch languages, however, one thing is certain: Shau Aborigines, like the Dutch, have excellent language abilities. Hung (1993) described this point: “The deceased saint of Shau Aborigines, Hsin-Hsiao Mao (Aliang), named as end-of-tribe chief, could speak Taiwanese, Mandarin, Japanese, and the languages of the Bunun, Ataya, Chou, and other tribes as well as foreign languages that not even family members could understand”. We are of the view that the foreign languages referred to may be Dutch handed down from their ancestors, but there is no evidence to prove this.

The preceding description of similarities between Shau Aborigines and the Dutch people provides only indirect evidence; we cannot understand why, although the Dutch have their own written language, Shau Aborigines do not have any such written records. The present authors assume that Shau Aborigines probably concealed their identity and also their ability to read and write. In addition, it has been said that the Dutch employed foreign servants and it is not known how many of their servants were among the group of people who fled to the Alishan area. How many nationalities were represented in that group? Were there Indonesian people, Indians, or people from African countries? Investigating the aforesaid assumptions may clarify myths about the Shau Aborigine culture and provide logical explanations. We also point out here that Japanese scientists discovered more than 10 years ago that a rice gene was the same as one in Yunnan, and the chapter Yunnan – The Hometown of Dwarf (Deng, 2002) has inspired a keen search for the origin of this gene. The present authors have provided only their opinions in this article with the aim of encouraging more people to support our friends the Shau Aborigines in looking for their roots. In the future, geneticists may be able to establish a scientific foundation proving that Shau Aborigines are, indeed, descended from the Dutch at Soulang and from the Pingpu tribe with whom the intermarried.

References

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Campbell. W. (1903). Formosa under the Dutch: Descriptions from contemporary records. London: Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

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Akveld, L., & Jacobs, E. M. (2002). National anniversary book VOC 1602/2002 – The colorful world of the VOC. Amsterdam: THOTH Publishers Bussum/Netherlands Maritime Museum.

Campbell. W. (1903). Formosa under the Dutch: Descriptions from contemporary records. London: Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Chen, C. L. (1992). Taiwan indigenous culture research. Taipei: Lien Ching.

Chen, C. L. (1996). The society of the Thao in Sun-Moon Lake: Ethnological research among the Thao of Sun-Moon Lake, Formosa. Taipei: SMC Publishing.

Chen, S. J. (1997). Observation of the relationships of Taiwan indigenous people from the index of heritage. Taipei: Chien Wei.

Chen, S-J. (1997). Study on biological affinities among the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. In S-J. Chen (Ed.), Politics and policy of ethnicity (pp. 303-320). Taiwan.

Dasiwulawan, P. M. (2003). The myth and legend of Thao Aborigine, Taipei: Chen Hsin.

Deng, C. J. (2002). Island in the stream: A quick case study of Taiwan’s complex history (2nd ed.). Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc.

Deng, S. Y., & Hsu, M. H. (2000). The history of Formosan Aborigines: The Thao. Nantou: The Historical Research Committee of Taiwan Province.

Hsieh, S. C. (1999). Status and identity: Ethnic construction of the Thao, Sun-Moon Lake. Paper for International Conference on the Formosan indigenous peoples. Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica.

Hung, Y. S. (1993). Former ancestors of Taiwan. Taipei: Taipei Times.

Kuan, S. C. (1986). Three hundred years of Taiwan. Taipei: Taipei Outdoors Living Books. Lai, Y. H. (1990). The history of the church. Taipei: Jen Kuang.

Lee, C. C. (2002). Contributions in Ching Dynasty. Cheng Cheng-Kung Classical Magazine, 48.

Li, F. K., Chen C, L., & Tang M. C. (1956). The record of the Thao language. Anthropology Journal, 7, 23-51.

Li, P. J. (1999). Language chapter of Formosan Aborigines. Nantou: Taiwan History and Culture Committee.

Li, Y. Y. (1982). Social and culture of the Formosan Aborigines. Taipei: Lien Ching.

Wang, Y. L. (1997). 1850-1920 Anciennes Photographies de Taiwan, Collection De La Bibliotheque Nationale De France. Taipei: Lions Books.

Yu, Y. H. (1697). Wild Sea Travel Diary. Taipei: The Historical Research Committee of Taiwan Province.

Zhou, M. S. (2004). Person, household, and lotsu: Study of the Thao’s ideas on person. Master’s thesis at the Institute of Anthropology, National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan, ROC.

Appreciation is due to anonymous reviewers.

Shu-Chun Chang, Graduate Institute of Bio- industry Management, National Chung-Hsing University, 402, No. 250 Kuo Kuang Rd., Taichung, Taiwan, ROC. Phone: +886-4-2284-0491 ext. 21; Email: [email protected]