Postmodern and modern value orientations and life satisfaction among Hong Kong Chinese
Main Article Content
Despite incidents about postmodernization in Hong Kong society, the significance of postmodernization is uncharted. If postmodernization is significant, it will particularly satisfy people with greater orientation to postmodern values. This study examines the hypothesis by conducting a survey in 2000 of a random sample of the adult population in Hong Kong, China. Results indicate that those with higher postmodern value orientations were less satisfied in 2000. These findings do not demonstrate the significance of postmodernization in Hong Kong. Thus, Hong Kong may not be sufficiently postmodern even though some of its inhabitants hold high orientation to postmodern values.
Despite observable emphasis on postmodern features, including consumption, democratization, and environmentalism in Hong Kong (Ng, 1995; Wong, 1995), research evidence relating to the emphasis on Hong Kong citizens' life experiences is lacking. Such evidence, if available, serves to gauge the significance of postmodernization. This significance refers to the case that postmodernization makes postmodern values a norm for people to make sense of their lives. That is, if Hong Kong is a postmodern society, it will particularly attract and satisfy people with higher orientation to postmodern values. On the other hand, if Hong Kong is a modern rather than a postmodern society, people with higher modern value orientation rather than postmodern value orientation will be more satisfied with its modern conditions.
This expectation is justifiable in light of the profusion of evidence that has demonstrated Hong Kong as a modern society (Ho & Leung, 1995; Ng, 1995; Wan, 1992; Wong, 1995). The most prominent instance of modernization is the emphasis of Hong Kong on economic growth and utilitarian success and the uprooting of traditional institutions and norms about the family and religion (Cheng, 2001). It is therefore uncertain whether modern or postmodern value orientation is more relevant to Hong Kong people's satisfaction with their lives. The present research study is necessary to answer the question, so as to ascertain the significance of modernization and postmodernization in Hong Kong.
Postmodernization refers to change at a societal level that extends beyond modernization and pervades the economic, political, and cultural arenas (Crook, Pakulski, & Waters, 1992; Inglehart, 1997). Economically, postmodernization develops in terms of the deepening of media power, consumerism, decentralized industrial development, the service sector, flexible work, product differentiation, and contingent employment (Gartman, 1998; Jacques, 1998). Politically, postmodernization arises from transnational political influence, democratization, privatization, declining government and public welfare, and the end of uniform ideology (Inglehart, 2000; Leonard, 1997). Culturally, postmodernization relies on individuation, aestheticization (emphasis on the beauty and quality of life), particularization (emphasis on self-expression), and romanticization (emphasis on love and discounting of instrumental utility and economic concern) (Gartman, 1998; Inglehart, 2000; Seippel, 1999). These features of postmodernism contrast with modernization, which, in terms of economic growth, scientific and technological development, and promotion of material living standards features the substantial contribution of government, which supplants the influence of traditional institutions (Inglehart, 1997).
An important indicator of postmodernization is people's postmodernist or postmaterialist value orientation (Inglehart, 1997). Postmaterialist values include having more say in government decisions, a more humane society, protecting freedom of speech, progressing toward a society in which ideas count more than money, having more say about how things are done at jobs, and making cities and the countryside more beautiful. Postmodern values include romantic life, absence of truth, no need for a commodity to have value, no need for work to be useful to society, no need for money, no need for material possession, development of human qualities, free expression, expression of unique characters, and showing off one's character (Broaded, Cao & Inkeles, 1994; Gibbins & Reimer, 1995; Seippel, 1999). Research has shown that younger and wealthier people are more postmaterialistic than older people (Clarke, 2000). At the country level, research has noted that countries with higher economic development and growth and with lower inflation rates, crime rates, and an increase in crime scored lower on materialist orientation (Davis & Dooley, 1999). However, postmaterialist or postmodern value orientation has not consistently proven its relevance to the individual's satisfaction with life (Inglehart, 1997). One reason may be that the relevance depends on the postmodernization of the societal context. When postmodernization is a dominant feature in the society, postmodernist value orientation becomes normative and congruent with the societal condition to result in the satisfaction of postmodernists.
Value Orientations as Predictors of Life Satisfaction
Whereas there is little direct evidence showing the relevance of postmodern value orientation to life satisfaction, there is plenty of support for the relevance of modern value orientation and modern or material conditions. Accordingly, an individual's materialist orientation tends to have a negative effect on life satisfaction whereas material conditions stemming from age, being male, education level, income, religiousness, and upper class position show a positive contribution (Diener & Fujita 1995; Kau, Kwan, Soo, & Wirtz, 1998; Rampichini & D'Andrea, 1998; Wan, 1992). Moreover, an individual's educational attainment seems to exert an indirect positive effect on life satisfaction through the mediating processes of class position and income (Rosenfeld & Kalleberg, 1990).
Much of the explanation for the influence of various predictors on life satisfaction centers on aspiration and adaptation (Herzog & Rodgers, 1986; Inglehart, 1990). Aspiration or expectation seems to have a negative effect on satisfaction – whereas adaptation has a positive effect. For instance, the thesis of aspiration explains the higher satisfaction of the older and religious person by the lowering of aspiration and the thesis of adaptation explains the positive effects of age and duration of living in a place on life satisfaction (Herzog & Rodgers, 1986; Inglehart, 1990). The thesis of aspiration also seems to explain the lower satisfaction of the person with a higher orientation to materialist values (Kau et al., 1998; Swinyard, Kau, & Phua, 2001). Conceivably, this person may receive material rewards that fall short of his or her expectations. In general, when something is valuable, it invokes a high aspiration to achieve the thing and the chance of satisfaction is lower. One can also expect lower satisfaction as a result of high orientation, or aspiration to fulfil, postmaterialist or postmodern values.
The thesis of aspiration is one component of rational choice theory (and related theories of social comparison and multiple discrepancies) when it deals with calculation of benefit against a standard (Rampichini & D'Andrea, 1998). This theory regards satisfaction as a rational reaction to calculation of benefit or discrepancy and the reaction may be a rational feedback for sustaining utility in the future. In addition to holding values as standards for comparison, rational choice theory treats satisfaction as a product of value gain or loss. Whether there is gain or loss depends not only on a personal standard for comparison, but also on actual life experiences. To the extent that life experiences are in line with the value orientation, they lead to satisfaction in proportion to the value held by the person. Conversely, life experiences that run counter to the value orientation result in dissatisfaction in proportion to the value. This is the value-expectancy formulation of rational choice theory. In the case of the expected effect of postmodern orientation, the orientation has a positive effect given that life experiences fulfil this orientation. Conversely, if societal conditions fall short of this person's postmodern expectation, his or her satisfaction will be low or dissatisfaction will be high. This formulation of rational choice theory explains the positive effect of person-environment fit on satisfaction (Peyrot, McMurry, & Hedges, 1988). Research concerning person-environment fit has shown that an environment that meets people's expectation and ability level will be satisfying.
Hypotheses
The study tests which of the following two antagonistic hypotheses (Hypothesis 1 vs. Hypothesis 2) holds in Hong Kong:
Hypothesis 1.1 (aspiration): A person with higher postmodern value orientation will have lower life satisfaction.
Hypothesis 1.2 (aspiration): A person with higher modern value orientation will have lower life satisfaction.
Hypothesis 2.1 (value-expectancy in a postmodern society): A person with higher postmodern value orientation will have higher life satisfaction.
Hypothesis 2.2 (value-expectancy in a modern society): A person with higher modern value orientation will have higher life satisfaction.
Hypotheses 1 and Hypotheses 2 cannot be true at the same time. If Hypothesis 1 gets support, then the effect of aspiration preempts that of value-expectancy and if Hypothesis 2 holds, then the reverse is the case. Within Hypothesis 1 or Hypothesis 2, the two subhypotheses are not mutually exclusive. If both subhypotheses hold, then both modern and postmodern values are relevant in Hong Kong. It is also possible that none of the hypotheses nor the applicable subhypothesis obtain support, implying that neither modern nor postmodern values are relevant to Hong Kong.
Method
A survey of 1,008 Hong Kong citizens was conducted in early 2000. Respondents represented a random sample of the adult (aged 18 or above) population in Hong Kong, selected by a stratified random sampling procedure, with the help of the Census and Statistics Department of Hong Kong SAR Government. The response rate of the first survey, conducted face-to-face in respondents' homes, was 25.0%. To equalize the chance of selection in the survey so as to best represent the Hong Kong population, cases in the sample were weighted in proportion to the number of eligible members in the household and the age and sex distribution (Hagan & McCarthy, 1997). The weighting was necessary because the survey randomly selected only one respondent in a household. The weighted sample maintained the original total number (1,008) of cases. The average age of respondents in the weighted sample was 43.7 years and the average duration of residence in the city was 34.0 years. Unlike many countries, most (65.1%) Hong Kong people did not have religious faith. According to the occupation of respondents (Gallee, 1994; Hagan & McCarthy, 1997; Wright, 1997), 29.6% belonged to the surplus class (i.e., homemakers and students; Hagan & McCarthy, 1997), 26.6% belonged to the working class (i.e., blue-collar, manual, and service workers), 18.3% belonged to the middle class (clerical and disciplinary workers, and supervisors of manual workers), 13.6% belonged to the upper-middle class (i.e., professionals and managers), 6.2% belonged to the underclass (i.e., unemployed over 1 year), and 3.1% belonged to the owner class (i.e., employers and self-employed).
Measurement
The survey questionnaires included questions in a random order to measure value orientations and satisfaction with a five-point rating scale. In addition to tapping responses to the current situation, the survey in 2000 included questions asking about the respondent's satisfaction with various conditions in June 1997 retrospectively. Responses assumed the following scores: 0 for the lowest response, 25 for the next lowest response, 50 for the middle response, 75 for the next to highest response, and 100 for the highest response (Zagorski, 1999). The composite scales, including multiple items, proved to be internally consistent (.422 to .837). Apparently, the follow-up telephone survey resulted in lower internal consistency reliability than did the earlier face-to-face survey. Items for the measures came from various sources (Broaded et al., 1994; Gibbins & Reimer, 1995; Inglehart, 1997, Inkeles, 1993; Seippel, 1999).
Measures of satisfaction with life These included one for life in general, one for cultural conditions (including local cultural atmosphere, relationship with the family, community environment, and leisure activity), one for economic conditions (including local economic conditions, financial conditions, work conditions, and local development), and one for political conditions (including government policy, government performance, government structure, and local political situation).
Measure of orientation to materialist values Materialist values included maintaining economic growth, maintaining a stable society, making sure that the country has strong defense forces, maintaining order in the nation, fighting against crime, and fighting rising prices (Inglehart, 1997).
Measure of orientation to modern values Modern values include acceptance of new ideas, belief in the efficacy of science, concern with affairs in society, awareness of news events, awareness of international news, and concern with being punctual (Inglehart, 1997; Inkeles, 1993).
Measures of orientation to postmaterialist and postmodern values Postmaterialist and postmodern values have already appeared in the first part of this article.
In addition, a measure of acquiescence was important as a control variable (Zagorski, 1999). Acquiescence referred to the tendency to rate all items consistently high or low. The mean score of all ratings identified the acquiescence factor.
Results
The average Hong Kong citizen rated materialist values as more important than postmaterialist values and showed greater support for modern values than postmodern values (Ms = 83.9 & 67.5 vs. 71.3 & 48.8). These findings agreed with the previous study in Hong Kong (Ho & Leung, 1995). Overall, the average Hong Kong citizen exhibited varying levels of satisfaction with different life conditions, the highest being with cultural conditions (M = 60.1), the lowest with political ones (M = 44.2), with economic conditions in the middle (M = 48.3).
Predicting Life Satisfaction in 2000
Linear regression analysis entered predictors to satisfaction in 2000 by three steps: first with background characteristics and the acquiescence factor, second with value orientations, and third with satisfaction in 1997. The results indicated that value orientations had mostly negative effects on satisfaction with various life conditions. In Step 3 of the analysis, which controlled for satisfaction in 1997, materialist orientation had significant negative effects on satisfaction with life in general, satisfaction with economic conditions, and political conditions (-.096 to -.197, see Table 1). Moreover, postmaterialist and postmodern orientations showed significant negative effects on satisfaction with political conditions. These findings lend support to the aspiration thesis (Hypotheses 1.1 & 1.2), which suggests that the values identify the standard for one to make comparison and judgment about satisfaction. On the other hand, the apparent positive effect (.127) of modern value orientation on satisfaction with cultural conditions was spurious, as it was not sustained in the presence of prior satisfaction as a predictor. In this case, the positive relationship might be due to the common influence of a predisposing factor on modern value orientation and satisfaction with cultural conditions.
In Step 1 of the regression analysis, income, class position, and age showed significant positive effects on different satisfactions. The effects might reflect the contribution of financial, material, and intellectual resources associated with the characteristics. Conceivably, income and being in the underclass provided the monetary and time resources for one to enjoy cultural activities. Conversely, people of upper classes might not be satisfied with the popular culture in Hong Kong that tends to follow the trend of consumerist culture (Jacques, 1998). On the other hand, people of working and upper classes can afford to enjoy the economic aspects of life. Perhaps older people might be more knowledgeable and were able to make sense of political conditions in a way that satisfied them (Huseby, 1995).
Table 1. Standardized Effects on Life Satisfaction in 2000
*: p < .05
The regression analysis also shows that being in the underclass, income, duration of residence in Hong Kong, and religiousness had some significant negative effects on satisfaction. According to resource theory, people of the underclass could not enjoy the economic aspects of life. People with higher income, longer residence, and religious faith might have higher expectation of political conditions and turn out to experience lower political satisfaction. Apparently, the government is taking more care of the welfare of poor people and new immigrants than of those who are wealthier or who are native residents. Thus, it would be less satisfactory to the latter groups. Perhaps, the SAR government is less supportive of religions than was the colonial government of Hong Kong before 1997. The decline in support might attenuate the political satisfaction of religious people.
There were some significant spillover effects among the four measures of life satisfaction. Satisfaction with cultural conditions in 1997 had a positive effect on satisfaction with life in general in 2000 whereas satisfaction with economic conditions in 1997 had a negative effect. The former might reflect consistency among the measures whereas the latter might indicate that satisfaction with economic conditions in 1997 served as the standard for comparison. As a result, when the current condition was comparatively poorer than in 1997, satisfaction with current life was lower. Both the consistency and comparison effects appeared in the relationships between satisfaction with past conditions and life satisfaction in 2000.
In sum, Hypotheses 1.1 and 1.2 about the effect of adaptation receive support from the negative effects of modern value orientation on satisfaction with political and economic conditions and life as a whole in 2000 and the negative effect of postmodern value orientation on satisfaction with life as a whole in 2000. These findings suggest the inadequacy of modern conditions in 2000 and postmodern conditions in 2000. Altogether, the findings do not reveal the significance of postmodern conditions in Hong Kong and processes concerning the formation and contribution of postmodern value orientation.
Discussion
Results show that a Hong Kong citizen's value orientation primarily influences his or her satisfaction negatively. The simplest and most consistent explanation of the finding rests in the process of aspiration in rational choice theory. Accordingly, higher value orientation sets a higher standard that is more difficult to achieve. This logic applies to both modern and postmodern value orientations. It agrees with a number of alternative theories that highlight processes of comparison and expectation and experiences of deprivation and discrepancy (Rampichini & D'Andrea, 1998). The findings also echo past studies concerning the negative effect of materialist orientation on satisfaction (Kau et al., 1998; Swinyard et al., 2001).
Alternative explanations suggest that life conditions in Hong Kong do not meet people's expectation. The explanation represents the value-expectancy formulation of rational choice theory. It explains the negative effect of value orientation as the magnification of frustration by the value orientation. According to this logic, life conditions in Hong Kong are unfavorable in terms of either modern or postmodern standards. Notably, the high rate of unemployment and other economic problems may erode the expectation of people with high materialist or modern value orientation. Moreover, life in Hong Kong may not be sufficiently romantic, diversified, and ideal to satisfy postmodernists. In view of the frustration, people charged with higher value orientation suffer lower satisfaction. This interpretation also applies to explaining the negative effect of materialist orientation on life satisfaction. In this case, Hong Kong does not generate sufficient materialist conditions to satisfy its materialist-oriented citizens. However, the negative effects of modern value orientation were weaker than that of postmodern value orientation. Thus, the aspiration thesis would assume that Hong Kong is more deficient in postmodern than in modern conditions.
The study, based on data from Hong Kong Chinese, is inadequate in generalizing beyond the sociocultural boundary. It has not exploited all possible measures of value orientations and satisfaction. Notably, it does not include the forced-choice measure of value orientations in their original formulation. Furthermore, it does not include measures for directly and fully testing various theoretical formulations. Measures of expectation, aspiration, adaptation, general dispositions such as optimism, resources, empowerment, and experience of scarcity and socialization would be helpful in supplementing current measures in testing the hypotheses. Furthermore, retrospective measures of satisfaction with conditions prior to the reversion in 1997 might create bias. Nevertheless, the bias was not serious enough to affect the pattern of effects (compare Steps 2 & 3). To eliminate all the bias and shortcomings, further research needs to employ improved and enriched measures to corroborate and advance understanding of relationships between value orientation and satisfaction.
Conclusion
A Hong Kong Chinese person's orientation to both modern and postmodern values appears to be detrimental to living a satisfactory life. The negative effects, nevertheless, are not overwhelmingly pervasive, as some of the influences on value orientation are attributable to the effects of earlier satisfaction. In explaining contemporaneous satisfaction, the aspiration thesis tends to hold true to traditional ethical teaching for controlling one's desires. These findings cast doubt on the expectation that Hong Kong is a postmodern society, featuring postmodern conditions and legitimating postmodern values as a societal norm. They also lend no support to the hypotheses that postmodern value orientation is a resource conducive to satisfaction and is related to experiences consistent with satisfaction. Thus, it is a dubious supposition that postmodernization is a significant social change favorable to Hong Kong people's life. On the other hand, materialist and modern values are more popular in Hong Kong, and materialist values are responsible for people's lower satisfaction in life, as in Singapore and the United States (Kau et al., 1998; Swinyard et al., 2001). Hence, it is possible that postmodernization in highly industrialized societies does not boost people's life quality. This is an assumption that definitely requires more empirical investigation.
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Table 1. Standardized Effects on Life Satisfaction in 2000
*: p < .05
This study evolved from a research project funded solely by the Strategic Research Grant of the City University of Hong Kong (#7000902). Its principal investigator was Kwan-kwok Leung and the other research team members were Glenn Drover and Chau-kiu Cheung.
Acknowledgement is due also to reviewers Giovanni B. Moneta
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