An analysis of the motherhood concept in employed women in south Turkey
Main Article Content
The purpose of this phenomenological study was to determine women’s perceptions of motherhood. We carried out this study with 10 midwives and 10 teachers. Two categories – satisfactions and difficulties – and 4 main themes became apparent. Satisfactions were evident in statements where mothers wrote expressions such as, “beautiful and a hard-to-explain feeling” and “full of rewards”. Their difficulties were evident in their description of motherhood as “the most difficult job” and “strain in motherhood role”. Important findings were the differences in the statements by midwives and teachers about the roles of mothers, despite their similar definitions of motherhood. Mothers should support their motherhood needs in a number of ways as suggested in the discussion.
Motherhood is a societal institution that is conceptualized as “essential” and “natural”. Its importance is emphasized by social mores across cultures (Bobak, Jensen, & Zalar, 1989; Sanford & Donovan, 1997). Its meaning goes beyond the biological processes of reproduction. Like other institutions, it has powerful symbolic meanings and encompasses customs, traditions, beliefs, attitudes, morals, rules, laws, and a host of other rational and irrational norms which deal with the care and rearing of children. As feministic perspectives and politics have developed, the institution of motherhood has undergone a process of critique, correction and transformation of the way that mothers are viewed within the feminist context. The current approach of feminists and many other institutions to motherhood and women reflects this very issue (Bialeschki & Michener, 1994; Liamputtong, 2001; Sumer, 1998).
Simone de Beauvoir (1993) argued that every biological process in the female body is a “trial”. To her, pregnancy, childbirth, and breastfeeding, all undermine women’s health and put their lives at risk. Feminist writer Nancy Chodorow (1978) states that biology and instinct do not provide adequate explanation for how women come to mother, but she also believes that girls and boys are thought to have appropriate behavior and feelings for parenting. She describes the “reproduction of mothering” as a built-in facet of girls’ and women’s personalities. Because girls are mothered by women, they see their mothers as role models and – in turn – desire to mother. In this direction, women have the heavy responsibility of procreation and rearing a generation. Particularly in patriarchal societies, childbearing is the central female work activity and women gain status only when they become mothers (Moghadam, 2004). Feminists argue that there is a tendency to equate a woman with her family, while men are allowed a separate and individualized status in these societies. Therefore, early feminist writers and radical feminists saw motherhood as a threat to a woman’s identity (Liamputtong, 2001). Many countries still want to protect motherhood as intended by the original United Nations (UN) Declaration of Human Rights in 1948: “motherhood (is) entitled to special protection” (Fiftieth Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, 1998). But Hafen (2001) stated that today’s UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) criticizes these protections as paternalistic, promoting a supposedly outdated concept of motherhood that discourages women from seeking greater fulfillment in paid work.
Turkey’s movements toward modernity have brought both the emancipation of women and the claim that Western values were actually Turkish – but they have been different from modernization in other developing countries. In this modernism movement from Islamic tradition, as practiced by the Ottomans to the Turkish Republic, women are crucial as a symbol of modernism (Kandiyoti, 1987; Muftuler-Bac, 1999). The new regime replaced the Islamic civil code – which included formal inequalities between men and women in marriage, divorce, inheritance, and custody of children – with a secular code adopted from the Swiss code. Even though women had been demanding civil and political rights for themselves since Ottoman times, an independent women’s movement was not allowed to emerge during the Republican regime until 1980. In the early 1980s feminists insisted on speaking in their own name rather than being spoken about by the officials of the state, not just women’s questions, but questions about being women and becoming women (Arat, 2000; Arın, 1996; Kandiyoti, 1987; Muftuler- Bac, 1999; White, 2003).
As Uray and Burnaz (2003) pointed out, since the beginning of the 1980s, changes in Turkey’s macroenvironment have exerted considerable influence on the traditional roles of men and women in society. Women have been encouraged to attend universities and make contributions to work and social life (Acar, 1994; Kadioğlu, 1994). With this encouragement, there has been an increase in the number of well-educated women, and their level of income has also risen (Toktaş, 2002). However, the level of support for women’s roles within the family did not see a similar increase. In all of these modernism movements, the Turkish state indicated that marriage and children are the national duties of women. The women who are wives and mothers have been expected almost exclusively to fulfill the domestic roles of physical and emotional care of their husbands and children (Arat, 1994; White, 2003).
Although several studies have been conducted on the socioeconomic place and problems of women in Turkish society, no studies have been conducted that closely examine the concept of motherhood. The studies that have been conducted have shown that working women who are mothers are under significant stress (Razon, 1999; Rokach, 2004; Sumer, 1998). The difficulties experienced by mothers are as influential in helping them to take their rightful places at work as they are influential in causing them to quit work. The purpose in this research was to study two groups of Turkish working women who have experienced the process of state feminism and emancipation of women followed by liberalization, to determine what influence a woman’s working has on her motivations, areas of satisfaction, and conflict or difficulties related to motherhood.
Method
Procedure
In this phenomenological study, Colaizzi’s (1978) method was used, which attempts to describe human experience in its context. This method was chosen because each step has been clearly identified and it is well suited for clarifying the phenomenon of motherhood. Therefore, the confidential essays method was used as the research technique. Data were collected in April 2003 from the mothers. Explanations were given about the study by the investigators, and confidential essays were completed by those willing to take part in the study.
Participants
Purposive sampling was used to identify and work with the most relevant samples for the motherhood phenomenon. Therefore, the study was conducted with 10 midwives and 10 teachers all of whom worked full-time, were married, had one or two children, and were university graduates. These two professions were chosen because they have their professional roots in the Ottoman period during the process of the emancipation of women in Turkey as midwives first (1,843) received professional education as members of the profession, and women were then employed for the first time officially as teachers (1,873) (Kurnaz, 2004). Midwives were also chosen because they are the only health personnel who help mothers and prospective mothers by visiting them in their homes. On the other hand, midwifery is a profession usually carried out by women only, and is managed by the male-dominated medical profession. Teaching, however, in Turkish society is a profession that is both preferred by women and seen as appropriate for women, but which has equal conditions for men and women.
The midwives in our research worked at a public health care center in a suburb of Antalya. They were between 23-35 years old and the average age was 28.8. All of them were high school graduates and 70% of them had an associate degree from a vocational school in an open university. They had worked an average of 9.7 years as midwives. They had 1 to 2 children with ages ranging from 1 to 12 years. The teachers in our research worked at a high school. They were between 25-39 years old and the average age was 32.0. All of them were high school graduates. They had worked an average of 9.2 years as teachers. They had 1 to 2 children with ages ranging from 1.5 to 14 years. The demographic data of the 20 respondents, 10 midwives and 10 teachers, are shown in Table 1. All mothers in the study group participated voluntarily, and they had the option to withdraw from the study at any time they wanted if they chose not to continue.
Instruments
The data were collected from the confidential essays which the participants wrote. Use of this method to gather data about motherhood from mothers allowed them to describe the concept of motherhood from their own perspective. For the essays, the women were asked to answer the question, “What is motherhood to you?”. Researchers preferred not to ask any other questions for the purpose of getting their pure motherhood concept. There were no restrictions imposed for the length, content, title, and so on, of the essay. The participants were told that they had one week to write and submit their essays. The purpose of allowing a week for the essay was to make the participants feel more comfortable in writing their opinions and in choosing what they would like to share about motherhood.
Data Analysis
Each essay was read independently by the investigators to gather a general feeling about the responses. The data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s (1978) method (see Appendix). Consistent with this analysis, meaningful expressions were organized into unique themes, developed by the researchers. Themes were deliberated on until a consensus was reached among the researchers. Contrary to many methodologists, Colaizzi recommends referring to the participants instead of consulting with specialists for validation (Streubert & Carpenter, 1999). Accordingly, the themes were reviewed by the midwives and teachers for validation. In addition the essays, meaningful expressions and the themes were reviewed by a nursing professor. Then researchers integrated the results into comprehensive definitions.
Table 1. Some Demographic Data of the Mothers and Their Children
Results
Analysis of the essays revealed two categories - satisfactions and difficulties, and four themes. Satisfaction was evident in themes: 1) Beautiful and a hard-to- explain feeling, 2) full of rewards. Difficulties were evident in themes: 3) the most difficult job and, 4) strain in the motherhood role. The frequency of themes stated by respondents is shown in Figure 1. Sample expressions, supporting the four identified themes, are given below.
Figure 1. The frequency of themes stated by mothers.
Category I: Satisfactions
Theme 1: Beautiful and a hard-to-explain feeling All of the midwives and seven of the teachers claimed that the sense of motherhood was “worth it all” and “it is higher than all the other kinds of love”. Nine of the mothers (seven of the midwives, two of the teachers) noted that the feeling of motherhood could not be understood and could not even be imagined except by a person who is a mother. One of the teachers described motherhood as: “One of the most beautiful feelings in the whole world which could not be understood and could not even be imagined unless one is a mother herself” (mother of a two-and-a-half-year-old child, who had worked for 10 years).
A midwife described motherhood and maternal love in elaborate terms; “Motherhood is a hard-to-explain feeling and source of happiness, an addiction. It is like drowning in a flood of beautiful feelings like ultimate compassion. It cannot be measured or compared to any other feeling” (mother of a two 7- and 14-year- old children, who had worked for 18 years).
Midwives described breastfeeding and beautiful feelings which breastfeeding creates in elaborate, romantic and dramatic terms: “I can’t tell how I felt when I breastfed for the first time. The feel of the milk, running through my milk ducts increased my affection towards my baby. That is when I understood ‘real motherhood’” (mother of a 2-year-old child, who had worked for four years).
Because of the difficulties in describing motherhood, not only midwives but also teachers used rich analogies. They also used many comparative words for the purpose of explaining their motherhood concept more clearly. “It is a nice and complicated feeling”, “it is a kind of self-sacrifice, love, affection, tolerance and pain”, “the most beautiful feeling that I can ever have felt but also the most unbearable”, “the most beautiful but the hardest profession”.
Theme 2: Full of rewards Both midwives and teachers noted that motherhood was the ultimate source of fulfillment. For them a smile and/or a hug from their children made motherhood endurable. Along this same line the rewards mothers mentioned in their essays were nearly the same in both groups “housework, career, relationship with my husband…when a child is added to these responsibilities, sometimes I feel pretty anxious. But only a smile on their faces makes me forget how tired I am” (a teacher, mother of 7- and 14-year-old children, who had worked for 18 years).
“Even though I come home exhausted from work and my children do not let me sleep during the night, a smile on their faces makes me forget all of my sufferings” (a midwife, mother of a five-month-old child, who had worked for 11 years).
We encountered the same feelings in relation to their birthing experience: “When I heard its crying just after delivery, I forgot all the pain I had suffered” (a midwife, mother of a 5-year-old child, who had worked for eight years).
Another midwife described the change in her life as: “No matter how hard it is, being a mother is a hope for life. Watching my baby grow, planning for its future gives me great happiness and desire for living” (mother of a 7-year-old child, who had worked for 15 years). Five of the midwives considered themselves “lucky” and were thankful to God that they had been given a chance to have a baby. They wished that every woman had this chance. “Without children, I would have felt like having been left in the middle of a desert, but now, I feel like an oasis in the desert” (a midwife, mother of 8- and 13-year-old children, who had worked for 11 years).
Category II: Difficulties
Theme 3: The most difficult job All of the teachers and half of the midwives agreed that motherhood is the most difficult job in all the world. They stated that their maternal feelings enabled them to endure many hard situations which they could not have handled before. A statement of one of the teachers is noteworthy: “Motherhood is so difficult a job, an occupation, an entire life, besides, it is the most beautiful feeling. It is to endure the conditions which you would never think of enduring for someone else” (mother of a one-and-half year old child, who had worked for 10 years). One of the midwives’ statements is noteworthy also: “Before I gave birth I thought that I could not stand going without sleep, I had nausea while my sister changed her son’s diaper. But now I can stay awake until morning and the odor while I change my baby’s diaper is like flowers” (mother of a 3-year-old child, who had worked for seven years).
Most of the mothers (six of the midwives, eight of the teachers) noted that being a mother meant a continuous struggle and heavy responsibility. The responsibility they felt and carried was stated by them with words like “awful” and “big”: “when I had my first baby, I felt an awful responsibility…I even would have given one of my eyes for her nursing for the sake of her being healthy, when she refused to nurse” (A teacher, mother of 8- and 12-year-old children, who had worked for 16 years).
From the expressions of the mothers, it can be understood that the responsibility they felt did not decline even when they were far away from their children. This statement of one of the teachers was very striking: “motherhood is the beating of your heart in worry all the time or like carrying a crystal vase an entire lifetime in your hands which you are afraid you will drop and break” (mother of a one-and- half-year-old child, who had worked for seven years).
Six of the midwives and five of the teachers wrote that they had dedicated themselves to their children and were ready to devote everything to them without expecting anything in return. Additionally, there were clear or hidden dedications in their essays to their children; “I live for him. I dedicated myself to him” (a midwife, mother of a 5-year-old child, who had worked for eight years). In a similar manner, midwives mentioned that the main theme of their conversations at work with colleagues was their children. One of them said: “what we talk about most is our children. You may ask if there isn’t anything else in the world to talk about. Of course there is, but for us there isn’t. Our children are our world. There isn’t anything in the world more important for us than our children” (mother of 8- and 13-year old children, who had worked for 11 years). But teachers wrote that they were talking with other mother colleagues for the purpose of profiting from their experiences and being more qualified to raise their children.
Five of the teachers indicated that they had to sacrifice their leisure time and freedom to defer to the needs of their children. Those mothers added that they were ashamed and had great feelings of guilt from their needs for leisure and freedom: “Sometimes I thought that they put limitations/restrictions on my life…I could not go out wherever or whenever I wanted. But while he/she is sleeping in my arms, I am ashamed of myself” (mother of 6- and 8-year-old children, who had worked for 11 years).
Only a teacher noted that if she had the opportunity to choose being childless, she would: “…but it restricts the freedom, I will never have back my completely free times like before I became a mother. If I’m asked whether I would prefer to have or not to have a child now, I would prefer to be childless. My mind is always busy with her, what she will eat or how she will dress…This bothers me a lot. Sometimes I envy my friends who are single and childless…” (mother of 3- and 9- year-old children, who had worked for 10 years). None of the midwives mentioned any restrictions which children bring into their lives.
Theme 4: Strain in motherhood role Nine of the midwives and five of the teachers in the study thought that their work somewhat impeded them from performing their maternal responsibilities the way they would have liked to perform them. Especially the midwives stated that they usually felt sorry, because they were not able to give the kind of care that they advised other mothers to give. They thought that they were unable to give the proper care to their own children because of their work, which led them to feel guilty. “I wish I could have raised my children in my own way and with my own experiences and given them the support they needed. It is a pity that we can’t spare time for them because of our work. We try to tell them why we have to work and leave them alone at home. Of course we feel guilty for that” (a midwife, mother of 7- and 14- year-old children, who had worked for 18 years). One of the midwives wrote about the increasing conflict between her maternal and professional roles due to lack of legal and institutional support: “As we work both in and outside the house, we are always in a rush, and so are our children. I wish we had kindergartens at our workplaces or could get unpaid leave. Because of economic problems we can’t quit our work.” (mother of a 3-year-old child, who had worked seven years). A teacher similarly mentioned that: “…unfortunately I’m not enough for my child. Either my school work or my housework or tiredness comes first. I try to find justification for this in my conscience but I’m not able to” (mother of 6- and 8- year-old children, who had worked for 11 years).
Only one of the midwives emphasized the positive influence of being a mother to her job. She stated, “When I became a mother, I had the chance to apply what I had learnt from books. It gave me self-confidence in my work” (mother of a 3-year-old child, who had worked seven years). None of the teachers indicated any positive or negative effects to their jobs from being a mother.
The midwives and teachers, who had similar definitions of motherhood, gave different roles for mothers. Whatever the age of their children the majority of the midwives emphasized breastfeeding as the most pronounced activity. The effort they put forth for breastfeeding was described in detail: “My oldest daughter was still a baby and still needed her mother’s milk. I would go home from work at least three times to breastfeed her. How long do you think I could continue doing this? Until she was 18 months old. Housewives don’t even breastfeed that long” (mother of 8- and 13-year-old children, who had worked for 11 years).
It is interesting that only one of the teachers mentioned breastfeeding as a maternal activity. Their (eight of them) main focus about motherhood was to bring up well-educated and qualified human beings and become a good role model as a mother to their children: “Motherhood is being a role model. Because your actions are always being observed you have to do the best, the finest and the most correct thing and be a good role model” (mother of a two-and-a-half- year-old child, who had worked for 10 years).
The teachers also emphasized that motherhood is an art: “In my opinion motherhood is an art. Our children are our works of art that we offer to the outside world. The basic elements of this art are using love, patience and understanding at the right time” (a teacher, mother of a one-and-a-half-year-old child, who had worked for seven years).
Being patient, making their children feel loved and playing with them were different from the other roles, according to the teachers: “The most important aspect of the job is to be able to make them feel that they are loved. A warm look, patting their head, finding time to spend with them, listening to them, being with them on good days and bad, not controlling them but helping them to find the right way” (mother of a one-and-a-half-year-old child, who had worked for seven years).
When we examined what the midwives and teachers had written about motherhood, we saw that the midwives wrote longer, more romantic and picturesque explanations. The midwives gave lengthy explanations for how difficult it is to be a mother, how they showed care for their children, and how they could not entrust them into someone else’s care (to exert oneself unstintingly). The teachers’ compositions were shorter and had general definitions. In addition, it is noteworthy that the teachers were focused on the present and future while the midwives tried to explain their past experiences with motherhood.
Discussion
This study showed that there were minor differences between two different well-educated, employed groups of women on the nature of their perceptions of motherhood, the difficulties they described and their satisfaction with it. Midwives and teachers both shared the view that motherhood is one of the most beautiful feelings in the whole world and full of rewards, but they also accepted its difficulties. Their differences were concerning the roles in motherhood.
The results indicated that the vast majority of mothers in this study perceived motherhood as the most beautiful feeling they had experienced and were absolutely sure that having a child is one of the most important things in life (and quite possibly the most important thing in life). Only one of the mothers regretted having had children. From their writings it is understood that their children represent a way to infuse value, significance, meaningfulness, and hope into their everyday lives, especially for midwives, and this helped them to manage the tough times. According to these findings, it can be said that our results are similar to those of other studies in the literature (Liamputtong, 2001; Meyers, 2001; Toktaş, 2002).
Both groups also clearly stated that motherhood is a source of pain and suffering as much as it is a source of hope, joy of life and happiness. In their definitions of motherhood, happiness and suffering generally happen together as noted in Wilkerson (2004), where Jennifer Nedelsky indicated that: “the joys of mothering are powerful, elemental and yet fragile. They can so easily be overwhelmed by unmet needs, fear, anxiety and simple exhaustion. Even in the affluence of the United States and Canada, the structures of support for mothers are so poor that the passion they feel for their children is often a source of pain rather than joy”. McMahon (1997) also indicated that “many women do not experience the promised joys of motherhood. Instead they feel anxiety, guilt, depression, or anger following the birth of a child. In this regard, as suggested by Hock, Gnezda, and McBride (1984) and Toktaş (2002), some mothers would like to stay home with their infants if they had a choice. Recently Sumer (1998) studied 20 well-educated career women and found that combining a career with motherhood is still a major problem for university-educated Turkish and Norwegian women.
The difficulties of motherhood was the most frequently mentioned characteristic that both groups perceived. In particular, one of the difficulties which teachers often stated was their heavy responsibility of molding the next generation. As a member of a profession which is responsible for the education of the next generation, we can say that they strongly absorbed their professional roles also as mothers. They also absorbed what the Turkish Republic founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (2004), defined as the roles for teachers and women in his famous “Speech”. He called for women to take their places in the general economic division of labor and also stated that a woman’s highest duty is motherhood. In addition, Atatürk told teachers, “the next generation will be your artwork” (p. 198). In this respect, teachers in our study believed that childrearing is an art and children are their work of art. As noted by Richardson (1993) many recent feminist writers see motherhood as a source of creativity. Our findings are also similar to the writings of Iranian female writer, Fereshteh Hashemi. As noted by Moghadam (2004), Fereshteh Hashemi indicated that: “women have the heavy responsibility of procreation and rearing a generation: this is a divine art, because it creates, it gives birth; and it is a prophetic art, because it educates” (p. 139).
Most of the feminists writing about care have been white and middle-class women and many belong to the generation brought up to be wives and mothers rather than full-time workers (Abel, 2000; Polatnick, 1996). Since all of our respondents were middle-class Turkish women, it is not surprising that they felt anxiety and guilt when they experienced difficulties in caring for their children and that they saw it as emerging as a major concern for mothers. From their statements it is understood that mothers in the two groups felt solely responsible for their children and had high and unrealistic expectations of themselves. For them, being a good mother requires a zero tolerance for failure or negligence because all of their actions are seen by their children. Mothers also stated in this study that to be a good mother, they should be patient, calm and be with their children all the time. Mercer (1986) found that few postpartum women she interviewed in her study had realistic expectations about parenting that included both positive and negative aspects, and women needed to know that mothering is difficult and time-consuming, and that mothers need to learn to be flexible and patient. On the other hand, some conservative writers, like Hafen (2001), share similar ideas with mothers. Hafen defined the child as an echo chamber and stated, “if he hears the sounds of love from his mother, he will later speak those same sounds of love to others. But if the mother’s signals are confusing and hateful, the child will later feel confused and hateful”. Mothers in this study generally shared the belief that “a child should be cared for by his/her mother”. This finding is similar to the finding of Lee and Keith (1999) who studied Korean women.
Avicenna (1995), in his book, Basic Principles of Medicine, wrote about the importance of breastfeeding a thousand years ago. He suggested that “every woman should try to breastfeed her baby. If for any reason she cannot do it herself, she should find a healthy (physically and mentally), young, full-of-life woman who has good ethical values and has abundant milk to breastfeed her baby”. Breastfeeding has been encouraged and supported in our modern society as well (Black & Victoria, 2002; Olds, London, & Ladewig, 2000; Van’t Hof, 2000) and many researchers have found that one of the most frequent concerns of mothers is their infants’ feeding (Chrisler & Johnston-Robledo, 2000). On the other hand, some feminist writers like Simone de Beauvoir (1993) claimed that “nursing is also an exhausting obligation” and “the nursing mother feeds the newborn at the expense of her own strength” (pp. 62-63). In this study, breast- feeding of their babies was found to be the major concern of the midwives, unlike the teachers. Although both groups of mothers grew up in a society in which breastfeeding is considered to be a significant part of motherhood, in general, the midwives felt guilty, worried and angry since they could not breast- feed their own babies as they had to be outside of the house for work. According to these results we may conclude that being midwives provided them with additional sensitivity to breastfeeding issues. Their other concerns were about the continuum of care of their children and promoting their health.
In both Western and nonWestern cultures motherhood means “sacrifice” at the same time (Bialeschki & Michener, 1994; Hafen, 2001; Muftuler-Bac, 1999). Similarly the overwhelming majority of the mothers in our research typically mentioned that being a good mother requires intense energy and self-sacrifice. When we compared midwives’ and teachers’ “sacrifice” stories, we found a nuance of difference that was significant. It is understood from the essays that while midwives mentioned their devotion to their children, they saw this devotion as “normal”, and felt a kind of honor in contrast to the teachers. While midwives generally mentioned their sleepless nights and struggles to breast- feed, teachers mentioned the sacrifice of their own leisure time and freedom. According to these results we may conclude that the different professions and life course perspectives provided different/additional understanding of the mother’s “sacrifice” concept in this study. It is also understood that midwives completely internalized/engaged in the dependent, other-defined, devalued sense of being imposed on expected from women living in patriarchal societies. From the writings of the midwives it is clear that they did not experience internal conflict because of their double burden. Generally they stated that their roles as working women negatively affected their motherhood roles. However, unlike the midwives, the teachers complained that they did not have enough leisure time for themselves. They mentioned that motherhood makes up their oppression as women. On the other hand they often felt guilty or in conflict when they perceived their leisure needs as taking precedence over their care-taking responsibilities. In Turkish culture, in our observations, it may not be culturally acceptable for mothers to demand leisure time or freedom as they do in many other cultures (Rokach, 2004).
Limitations and Implications for Practice
Although the sample in this study was nonrandom and therefore limited in its ability to be generalized, the goal in this qualitative research was to understand how employed mothers in Turkey experience or perceive their motherhood. This paper was primarily concerned with mothers in Turkey, but its implications may also be applicable to other women who are in similar situations. In a multicultural society elsewhere it is likely that educators, managers, social workers or politicians will give importance to other mother groups to provide culturally sensitive care and support. First, the ideology of exclusive mothering should be challenged. It is almost impossible to fulfill the ideal mothering role in the current context of elevated motherhood. Women should be encouraged not to have unrealistic expectations about their involvement in motherhood, and to be more flexible. There are some programs and policies, such as long-term maternity leave and high quality day care facilities, which can help women integrate job roles and family responsibilities without conflict and decrease their stress while they fulfill the roles of motherhood. These programs can be organized to take into consideration the life experiences and needs of women. We recommend that our study be replicated with different sociocultural and economic groups.
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Sumer, S. (1998).Incongruent modernities: A comparative study of higher educated women from urban Turkey and Norway. Acta Sociologica, 41, 115-129.
Toktaş, Ş. (2002). Engendered emotions: Gender awareness of Turkish women mirrored through regrets in the course of life. Women’s Studies International Forum, 25, 423-31.
Uray, B., & Burnaz, S. (2003). An analysis of the portrayal of gender roles in Turkish television. Sex Roles, 48, 77-85.
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Appendix
Steps in Colaizzi’s Method
Describe the phenomenon of interest.
Collect participants’ descriptions of phenomenon.
Read all participants’ descriptions of the phenomenon.
Return the original transcripts and extract significant statements.
Try to spell out the meaning of each significant statement.
Organize the aggregate formalized meaning into clusters of themes.
Write an exhaustive description.
Return to the participants for validation of the description.
If new data are revealed during the validation, incorporate them into an exhaustive description.
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Moghadam, V. M. (2004). Patriarchy in transition: Women and the changing family in the Middle East. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 35, 137-162.
Muftuler-Bac, M. (1999). Turkish women’s predicament. Women’s Studies International Forum, 22, 303-315.
Olds, S. B., London, M. L., & Ladewig, P. A. W. (2000). Maternal-newborn nursing: A family and community-based approach (6th ed.). New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.
Polatnick, M. R. (1996). Diversity in women’s liberation ideology: How a black and white group in the 1960s viewed motherhood. Signs, 21, 679-207.
Razon, N. (1999). The working mother and her child: School of parenting [In Turkish]. İstanbul: Remzi Kitabevi.
Richardson, D. (1993). Women, motherhood and childrearing. London: Macmillan.
Rokach, A. (2004). Giving life: Loneliness, pregnancy and motherhood. Social Behavior and Personality: An international journal, 32, 691-702.
Sanford, L. T., & Donovan, M. E. (1997). Women and self-esteem: Understanding and improving the way we think and feel about ourselves. New York: Anchor Press.
Streubert, H., & Carpenter, D. R. (1999). Qualitative research in nursing: Advancing the humanistic imperative. Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott.
Sumer, S. (1998).Incongruent modernities: A comparative study of higher educated women from urban Turkey and Norway. Acta Sociologica, 41, 115-129.
Toktaş, Ş. (2002). Engendered emotions: Gender awareness of Turkish women mirrored through regrets in the course of life. Women’s Studies International Forum, 25, 423-31.
Uray, B., & Burnaz, S. (2003). An analysis of the portrayal of gender roles in Turkish television. Sex Roles, 48, 77-85.
Van’t Hof, M. A. (2000). The influence of breastfeeding and complementary foods on growth until three years of age in the Euro-Growth Study. Pediatrics, 106, 1281-1282.
White, J. B. (2003). State Feminism, modernization, and the Turkish Republican woman. NWSA Journal, 15, 145-160.
Wilkerson, A. L. (2004). Modern maternity. Hypatia, 19, 180-190.
Table 1. Some Demographic Data of the Mothers and Their Children
Figure 1. The frequency of themes stated by mothers.
The authors are grateful to all the mothers who participated in this study.
This study was funded externally funding by the Akdeniz University Scientific Research Project Unit. Appreciation is due to reviewers including
Pranee Liamputtong
School of Health
La Trobe University
Bundoora
Victoria 3086
Australia
Ozen Kulakac, Akdeniz University, Antalya Saglık Yuksekokulu, Dumlupınar Kampus, Bulvarı 07058, Antalya, Turkey. Email: [email protected]